|
Faith, hope and democracy
Almost all
of the people of Iraq -- Shia, Sunni, Kurd and Christian -- have wanted to
be free of the dictator Saddam Hussein. Even though many were -- and remain
-- against this recent war, we must admit that this was their hope. Now we
are in a situation of discussing and deciding the principles for a future
society. In this, it is important to understand there will be no future in
Iraq if we neglect, avoid, or refuse to take into account both the
thousand-year-old culture and the Islamic faith of the great majority of the
Iraqi people.
Indeed, to
try to divorce the Islamic background of the Iraqi people from a so-called
"modern" society is the starting point for a catastrophe. But it should be
said that while the Islamic faith is an intrinsic part of the Iraqi
identity, there is not a single element in Muslim worship, from prayer to
the management of social affairs, that does not emphasize universal
principles of community, equality, respect and pluralism. To practise one's
religion is to participate in the social order and justice.
But the
Islamic faith is just part of many diverse elements that make up the
identity of the people of Iraq, and we must not assume a dogmatic approach
to imposing on all people in Iraq the idea that there is only one way to
think about how to be a Muslim or how to be an Iraqi. It is wrong to think
about the past and future of Iraq as an eternal dispute between the Shia and
Sunni people: They share many common values and, with time and autonomy,
they will be able to find an agreement about the future of their common
society.
People of
all faiths, among them many influential Christians, understand the shared
responsibility to work together for a real and transparent Iraqi pluralism
based on four cardinal principles: a state of law, equal citizenship (for
everyone, whatever his or her religion), universal suffrage and the right to
dismiss an incompetent leader. These four principles -- the cornerstones of
democracy -- are not in contradiction with either Islamic or Christian
teachings.
It must be
said, however, that they cannot be imposed. The Iraqi people should have the
right to find their own contemporary model of pluralism and democracy based
on these universal principles. Islamic teachings, for instance, promote the
sense of individual responsibility, commitment toward the collectivity,
solidarity, and demand from every believer to spread what is good.
All of this
can be the basis of a new sense of an Iraqi belonging, a real common ethics
of citizenship. With freedom, time, and through a better understanding of
their Islamic religion, the Muslims of Iraq can come to a better
understanding of these universal values and principles that can form the
basis of a model of democracy in the Islamic world. This could be part of a
process of reformation from within.
I believe
it's essential that we promote the universal principles of pluralism, but
not impose a specific model of democratic society on a new Iraq. We need a
transparent, democratic society, but not democracy under the control of the
United States, for example, which is the fear of the great majority of
Iraqis today.
The
perception of many people in Iraq is that while they don't like -- indeed,
never liked -- Saddam Hussein, they also don't like the American presence
and all people should know that. One problem in building a new society is
that a great many of the Iraqi people who are speaking today with the
American authorities may be politically connected with the Iraqi society,
but they are not connected to the people of Iraq in any real cultural or
religious sense. Some have very far to go to be understood by the people in
the name of whom they speak. This is what might come to be regarded as an
artificial democracy -- an Iraq governed by people having an Iraqi name or
history, but working for the United States.
A great
majority of the Iraqi people are Muslims or Christians; they have a common
collective memory and they want to be represented by people who share their
identity. It's necessary to take into account their cultural background,
their respective faith, their collective psychology and their memory. In the
West, we should not be misled by self-proclaimed Iraqi leaders apparently
speaking our language (democracy, freedom, secularism, etc.) but having no
links with the Iraqi population.
We need to
encourage an indigenous process to emerge from within Iraqi society, in the
people's name, from their legacy, leading them toward their independence.
Speaking as a Western citizen, I think all Western governments have a
responsibility to help the Iraqi people find their own model of democracy.
Speaking as a Muslim, I hope all Muslims in Iraq come to understand that the
universal principles of democracy are in accordance with our teaching.
Sadly, I am
not optimistic, because I think the Iraqi people need time to find their way
-- building a new model of democracy is a long process and there is an
immediate need for order in Iraq. And let us be frank: When the Iraqi people
see the Americans guarding the oil refineries and leaving the people to
destroy each other and the history of their country and their faith, they
naturally ask themselves, "Why are you here -- is it because you have your
own economic interests or is it to give people the freedom to find their own
way to deal with their own interests?"
If pluralism
in Iraq is to ever truly exist, and if there is a sincere wish to engage in
the co-existence of religions and cultures, then this must proceed from here
with a commitment to principles, not models. Imposing one's norms on others
will inevitably mean conflicts. But to call each religion and culture to
develop spaces of protection for the dignity of man, woman and child is, in
my view, the choice for the future in Iraq.
*
|
|